These allegations echoed claims circulating in the Polish press that Wałęsa might have acted as a secret informer (under the codename “Bolek”) in the 1970s – a hugely controversial topic in post-Communist Poland. Walentynowicz firmly believed that full lustration (exposure of communist-era informants) was necessary for Poland’s moral cleansing, and she suspected Wałęsa and others were blocking those efforts to protect themselvesen.wikipedia.org. Such positions earned her sharp criticism from Wałęsa loyalists, who felt she was unfairly tarnishing a national icon. But Walentynowicz was unwavering; she felt no one, no matter how revered, should be above accountability. Her blunt, take-no-prisoners style once again left her isolated. By the late 1990s, even some admirers admitted that Anna’s rigid integrity and lack of political tact made her a poor fit in the era of polished politicians. As one observer noted, she refused to “kowtow” to power – even the power that she herself had helped create – and thus forfeited any real influence in the halls of governmentencyclopedia.comencyclopedia.com.
Still, recognition for Walentynowicz’s legacy slowly began to trickle in. In 2005, on the 25th anniversary of Solidarity, she was invited to the United States to receive the Truman-Reagan Medal of Freedom on behalf of the Polish people who fought for libertyen.wikipedia.org. During that visit, veteran American columnist Georgie Anne Geyer hailed her as the “Rosa Parks of Solidarity,” likening Walentynowicz’s single act of defiance (refusing to accept injustice, as Parks had on a bus in Alabama) to a spark that helped ignite a broader struggleen.wikipedia.org. Indeed, like Rosa Parks, Walentynowicz had not planned to start a movement – but her personal courage in a pivotal moment inspired others to action. Such international accolades gave Walentynowicz some satisfaction that her story was not forgotten, even if she remained a contentious figure at home. In Poland, she continued to take part in public life on her own terms. She accepted Poland’s highest honor, the Order of the White Eagle, in 2006 from President Lech Kaczyński, who, unlike some earlier leaders, openly revered the role she had played in winning Poland’s freedominstytutpolski.plinstytutpolski.pl. (Kaczyński represented a newer generation of conservative Polish politicians who emphasized anti-communist credentials and historical memory; Walentynowicz found more affinity with them than with Wałęsa’s liberal camp.) She also did not shy from criticizing the government of the day, whichever it was. In the 2000s she spoke out against the ruling party (at one point lambasting the centrist Civic Platform party for neglecting social justice)en.wikipedia.org. In December 2009, just months before her death, the ever-fiery Walentynowicz organized a conference in the Polish parliament titled “Poland After 20 Years of 1989–2009,” where she and other old opposition veterans assessed the unfulfilled promises of the post-communist eraen.wikipedia.org. To the end, she was voicing the conscience of the revolution, insisting that the Solidarity ethos of caring for the weak should not be discarded in the new Poland. “The 21 demands that we put up in 1980 are still relevant,” she said in 2002. “Nothing was fulfilled. People still have to struggle to be treated with dignity. That's scandalous.”en.wikipedia.org.
Later Years, Tragedy, and Legacy
In her final years, Anna Walentynowicz lived modestly in Gdańsk, the city whose history she had helped change. She had long since made peace with the fact that she would never be a mainstream politician or wealthy figure. Instead, she cherished her role as an elder stateswoman of the workers’ cause, mentoring younger activists and reminding everyone of Solidarity’s true origins at the grassroots. She even reconnected with lost family: in the 2000s, Walentynowicz discovered surviving relatives in her birth region (now independent Ukraine) and rebuilt those family bonds after decades of separationblogs.bl.uk. Though frail in health, she seemed energized by the knowledge that her life had meaning for a new generation. Honors came her way in a steady stream. Streets and squares were named after her in cities like Wrocław, Szczecin, and Lublinen.wikipedia.org. A statue of Walentynowicz was unveiled near Warsaw in 2015 to commemorate her as one of the national heroes who brought down communismen.wikipedia.org. In 2019, the Polish parliament officially declared it the “Year of Anna Walentynowicz,” marking what would have been her 90th birthday with educational programs and exhibitsen.wikipedia.org. Such tributes recognized her as, in President Andrzej Duda’s words, “a symbol of the Solidarity movement” and highlighted the distinctive role of a woman in what was often seen as a male-driven revolutionen.wikipedia.org.
Fate, however, had one final cruel twist in store. On April 10, 2010, Walentynowicz accepted an invitation to join a Polish state delegation traveling to Smolensk, Russia.